, 4 


SUCCESSFUL PROGRESS 

AN ADDRESS 

DELIVERED AT THE ANNUAL MEETING OF ' HttEi 

The National Civil Service Reform Leagoe 

AT PHILADELPHIA, PA., 


DECEMBER ii, 1902, 


BY THE PRESIDENT, 

DANIEL C. GILMAN, LL.D. 


PUBLISHED FOR THE 

NATIONAL CIVIL SERVICE REFORM LEAGUE, 
1902. 










Publications of the National Cml'Senrice Reform League 


Proceeding at the Annual Meetings of the liational Ciril-Serrice 
Reform League^ 1884 to 1902 , inclusive, (excepting those of 
1888, ’89, ’90, ’98 ; out of print). 

Ciril Service Reform under the present National Administration. 

By George William Curtis. (Annual Address of the President, 1885.) 
The Sitnation. By George William Curtis. (Address of 1886.) 

Party and Patronage. By George William Curtis. (Address of 1892.) 
Civil Service Reform and Democracy. By Carl Schurz. (Annual 
Address of the President, 1893.) 

The Necessity and Progress of Civil Service Reform. By Carl 

Schurz. (Address of 1894.) 

Congress and the Spoils System. By Carl Schurz. (Address of 1895.) 
Encouragements and Warnings. By Carl Schurz. (Address of 1896.) 
The Democracy of the Merit System. By Carl Schurz. (Address 

of 1897.) 

A Review of the Tear. By Carl Schurz. (Address of 1898.) 
Renewed Struggles. By Carl Schurz. (Address of 1899.) 

Civil Service Reform as a Moral Question. By Charles J. Bonaparte. 

(1889.) 

The Influence of the Spoils Idea upon the Government of 
American Cities. By Herbert Welsh. (1894.) 

The Reform of the Consular Service. By Oscar S. Straus. (1894.) 
The Appointment and Tenure of Postmasters. By R. H. Dana. 

(1895.) 

Civil Service Reform and Municipal Government. Two papers, 

by Albert Shaw and Horace E. Deming. (1897.) 

The Republican Party and Civil Service Reform. By Henry 

Hitchcock. (1897.) 

The Democratic Party and Civil Service Reform. By Moorfield 

Storey. (1897.) 

An Open Letter to Hon. C. H. Grosvenor, in reply to recent attacks 
on the Civil Service Law and Rules. George McAneny. (1897.) 
The Need and Best Means for Providing a Competent and Stable 
Civil Service for Our New Dependencies. By Dorman B. 
Eaton. (1898.) 

The Choice of Correct Methods in the Administration of American 
Dependencies. By Elliot H. Goodwin. (1900.) 

Four Reports. Prepared by the Investigating Committee of the National 
Civil-Service Reform League. (1901.) 

The Situation in Porto Rico. Report of the Committee on the Civil 
Service in Dependencies, (1902.) 


GOOD GOVERNMENT 

Official Journal of the National Civil-Service Reform League. 
“A Bulletin of Current Intelligence,” 

On all matters relating to Civil Service Reform. 
PUBLISHED MONTHLY at 41 WALL STREET, NEW YORK. 

ONE DOIiEAR A YEAR. TEN CENTS A COPY. 




SUCCESSFUL PROGRESS 


AN ADDRESS 


DELIVERED AT THE ANNUAL MEETING OF 


The National Civil Service Reform League 

AT PHILADELPHIA, PA., 


DECEMBER ii, 1902, 


BY THE PRESIDENT, 

DANIEL C. GILMAN, LL.D. 


PUBLISHED FOR THE 

NATIONAL CIVIL SERVICE REFORM LEAGUE, 
1902, 






SUCCESSFUL PROGRESS. 


An Address delivered at the Annual Meeting of the National 
Civil Service Reform League^ at Philadelphia^ Pa.^ 
Thursday^ December iith^ jgo2. 


By Daniel C. Gilman, LL.D. 


HERE are some in this assembly who can remember viv- 



1 idly the events of the Civil War, and among them, one at 
least recalls a pamphlet which exerted remarkable influence 
upon public opinion. It came out when the nation was de¬ 
pressed by its first reverses on the battle-field, by widespread 
discontent among the people, and by uncertainty respecting 
the good to be accomplished with lavish expenditures of life 
and property. The pamphlet I refer to was published in 
hundreds of thousands of copies by the Loyal League Publi¬ 
cation Society of New York. It was written by a Philadel¬ 
phian, the Hon. Charles J. Stille, afterwards Provost of the 
University of Pennsylvania, and the title of it was this:— 

“ How a Free People Conduct a Long War.” The example 
which he presented was that of the Dutch Republic in its 
struggles for civil and religious liberty. Although I can¬ 
not quote any phrase employed by this writer excepting the 
caption, “ How a Free People Conduct a Long War”—I 
well remember the lesson, which was this:—in resistance to 
recognized evils, disappointments must be met, patience must 
be exercised, victory can only come after long exertion, and 
frequent reverses. 

It has seemed to me that our courage as civil service re-\, 
formers might be strengthened by this doctrine. We are “ a 
free people conducting a long war.” The contending forces 
are well arrayed. On the one side are lofty ideals respecting 
democratic institutions and deep-seated convictions that a 
republican form of government is the best that the human 
race has evolved. In opposition to these ideals are the ten¬ 
dencies of human nature, which shrinks from unselfish exer¬ 
tions, prefers ease to effort, is indifferent to the public service, 





4 


regards public office as the proper reward of partisan efforts 
and looks at the public treasury as a store-house to be used 
for private advantage. 

“ Pull” is the leader of one camp,—“ Merit” of the other. 
The conflicting watch-words are familiar. On the one side 
may be heard the cry that Marcy uttered seventy years ago : 

To the victor belong the spoils ; ” on the other hand, a doc¬ 
trine formulated in many phrases, none better than that of 
Grover Cleveland, “ Public office, a public trust.” 

Let us amplify the metaphor of a campaign. Our league 
is only one of many battalions engaged in upholding good 
government. Civic clubs, municipal defense associations, 
vigilant committees, good government societies,.independent 
ballot, and reform clubs are agencies, more or less effective, 
more or less local and temporary, helping on the cause. 
Moreover, there are many supporters ot sound doctrines, not 
enrolled in our battalion, nor in any other, whose influence 
is upon the right side, judges on the bench, teachers in the 
universities, statesmen in the halls of legislation, executive 
officers of the states and nation, editors commenting on 
ephemeral changes, and historians^ like Schouler, Rhodes, 
Adams, Sumner and Fiske, whose writings help us to discern 
the good and the evil that have come to us from our fore¬ 
fathers and our fathers. 

The efforts of our organization are restricted to one arm. 
We are but a single battalion, organized for a specific pur¬ 
pose. As a League, we are not concerned in economic or 
financial reforms, in the sanitation or decoration of cities, in 
the betterment of public schools, in the suppression of vice, 
in the making of good roads, in the cleaning of streets or in 
the protection of game, though we believe that the universal 
acceptance of Civil Service Reform would contribute to the 
progress of these and many other desirable improvements in 
our social conditions. Like other armies we are constantly 
engaged in the enlistment of recruits, and they are naturally 
anxious to know what is the meaning of all this array. 
“ What does the League propose? ” “ What can an auxiliary 

do? ” “ What can I do for Civil Service Reform ? ” are ques¬ 

tions lately put to me by enthusiastic and intelligent support¬ 
ers of our association. From the veterans, the recruits ask 
enlightenment. To such enquirers, I would say, first, that the 


5 

subsistence department of an army is of prime importance. 
Contributions of money will enable the League to hold pub¬ 
lic meetings, circulate important documents, and employ in¬ 
telligent counsel when necessary in the defense of our princi¬ 
ples. If you can do nothing else you can pay the dues. 

Next, I would say that as public opinion is essential to the 
maintenance of an army, recruited among a free people, so 
public opinion is essential to the progress of the merit sys¬ 
tem. Therefore, let me urge upon all our members to use 
their influence, persuasively, for the recognition of correct 
principles in every appointment to office. Whenever there is 
a vacant office, to which a salary pertains, in a benevolent 
society, in an educational establishment, sometimes even in a 
pulpit, A is nominated because he needs a place, B because 
his wife’s health requires a change, C because he has never 
had a fair chance, D because he is old and feeble and ought 
to be taken care of, E because he is the grandson of old Gen¬ 
eral X, and so on through the alphabet. Who thinks of en¬ 
gaging a cook for any such reasons; who would leave his 
money in a bank where the cashier and tellers were thus se¬ 
lected; who would trust a railroad or a steamship manned in 
this way ? Therefore in private affairs and in public be the 
unvarying advocate of selections by merit. 

Next, let me urge our juniors to inform themselves of the 
literature, the abundant literature, that may be readily com¬ 
manded. By all means re<ad our civil service record, which 
is called “ Good Government,” for it is a bulletin of current 
intelligence,—but do not read that only. It is as important 
to beware of the man that reads but one newspaper as to be¬ 
ware of the man that reads one book. Be the owner of Mr. 
Eaton’s work on the Civil Service in Great Britain, prepared 
when he was sent abroad by Mr. Evarts, at the request ot 
President Hayes, for such an investigation. You may there 
see how old is the struggle in which we are participants. Mr. 
Eaton has called attention to the interesting fact that the germ 
of an efficient civil service may be found in the fundamental 
bill of rights which we know as Magna Charta, in which we 
find “ the first civil service rule,” King John’s promise, that 
only those shall be appointed to certain offices who know the 
law of the kingdom and are willing to observe it. Nothing 
is said of friendship for the King, nothing of influence with 


6 


noblemen and gentry. Well said, says Mr. Curtis, for this 
was a declaration that administrative offices should be filled 
by those who were competent and not merely of royal favor. 
This was nearly seven centuries ago. 

Supplement Mr. Eaton’s volume with that of our colleague, 
Professor A. Lawrence Lowell, on the Colonial Service of 
England, Holland and France, a volume most appropriate to 
our country at this time. It is a capital book, valuable not 
only for the facts that it presents, but for the author’s com¬ 
ments upon the past, and for hints upon our dealings in the 
Philippines. Here, for example, is one pregnant sentence : 
“ English experience in India seems to have resulted in two 
conclusions: First, that a high general education, and best of 
all a university education, is very important; and, second, 
that a great amount of special training before departure is 
neither necessary nor advisable.” Let me call especial at¬ 
tention to a Report (which is given in Mr. Lowell’s volume) 
signed in 1854 by five illustrious men,—Lord Macaulay, Lord 
Ashburton, Rev. Henry Melville (the famous pulpit orator), 
Jowett, the Master of Balliol, and Shaw-Lefevre, speaker of 
the House of Commons. 

Do not fail to become familiar with the Annual Reports of 
the United States Civil Service Commission. 

Besides these volumes there are the classic speeches of 
that brilliant orator, that gifted essayist, that model citizen, 
George William Curtis,—speeches where the grace of literary 
style adorn the sentences that are full of political wisdom and 
the purest ethics of statecraft. 

In all these writings you will find the reiteration and re¬ 
inforcement of one doctrine, that when appointments in the 
civil service are made upon the merit system we shall have 
better administration in all departments of government, and 
our representatives, and the leading statesmen of the country 
whether they are in office or out of office, will be free for the 
study and the discussion of the very great problems, most 
complex and most varied, which underlie the welfare of 
society. 

It is a long warfare in which we are engaged. The doc¬ 
trine that private claim to political preferment should domi¬ 
nate public action, though never avowed in this broad state¬ 
ment, is so sanctioned by usage, is so plausibly supported by 


7 


the plea for “ rotation in office,” and is so consonant with 
generous impulses for the recognition of neighbors, friends 
and political allies,—that the cooler, wiser, impersonal en¬ 
deavor to secure the fit man for every post will not be pop¬ 
ular until the merit system has had a fair trial and its ad¬ 
vantages are recognized in the public service and also in pri¬ 
vate life. We have encouraging examples of progress in 
many historical pages. Let me remind you of the passing of 
the Reform Bill and the Catholic Emancipation, and of the 
removal of the disabilities of the Jew, and of the repeal of the 
Corn Laws in Great Britain. In our own country remember 
how long it was between the repeal of the Missouri Com¬ 
promise and the Emancipation Proclamation. Let me men¬ 
tion also the opposition to public schools which thwarted for 
many years the efforts of Horace Mann and Henry Barnard, 
efforts which ultimately led to the adoption, throughout the 
land, of that bulwark of civil liberty, the American methods 
of popular education. 

Yet in our struggle we have seen great victories. Go 
back to the year 1830, and read the story of General Jack¬ 
son’s accession to the presidency as it is told in Schouler’s 
third volume of the History of the United States, and in 
Sumner’s Memoir of Jackson, and in John Fiske’s Essay on 
Politics seventy years ago. Then turn to the nineteenth re¬ 
port of the United States Civil Service Commission just is¬ 
sued from the press and mark the gains that have been made. 

This is the graphic story of Schouler. After Jackson’s in¬ 
auguration, “ the halls of the White House were filled with a 
disorderly rabble, common people forcing their way into the 
saloons and mingling with the foreigners and distinguished 
citizens who surrounded the President. China and glass 
were broken in their struggle to get at the ices and cakes, 
though punch and other drinkables had been carried out in 
tubs and buckets to them ; but had it been in hogsheads it 
would have been insufficient, besides unsatisfactory, to the 
mob who claimed equality in all things. The confusion be¬ 
came more and more appalling. At one moment the Presi¬ 
dent, who had retreated until he was pressed against the wall 
of the apartment, could only be secured against serious dan¬ 
ger by a number of gentlemen linking arms and forming 
themselves into a barrier. It was then that the windows 


8 


were thrown open, and the living torrent found an outlet. 
It was the People’s day, the People’s President, and the peo¬ 
ple would rule. 

** Inauguration day passed, but the mob of strange faces 
was still to be seen hovering about. Strangers filled the ante¬ 
room and lobbies and all public places, though making less 
free henceforth with the White House apartments, and re¬ 
solving themselves more into knots of politicians, most of 
whom compared notes freely with jovial good nature, like 
men who know not how soon a fellow-struggler may get what 
he wants and be in a position to lend a helping hand. This 
was not the people all ruling, but the people after office. A 
great and hungry multitude swarmed in the city, ravening up 
and down from morning to night; ‘ too many to be fed with¬ 
out a miracle.’ ” 

Wich this invasion of the Spoils System in 1830, which 
reads like the incursion of the barbarians upon Rome, contrast 
the calm and orderly report on the Merit System in 1902. 
The U. S. Commission records its gratification at the substan¬ 
tial progress made in the competitive system during the year 
and at the excellent manner in which civil service law and 
rules have been generally observed throughout the various 
branches of the Government. Notice these particulars. 

During the year 1901-2, more than 62,000 persons were 
examined for the Civil Service. Two-thirds of these passed 
the required tests. Fifteen thousand, save one, (14,999) ^P’ 
pointments, were made from those who entered through the 
Merit System. Nearly 9,000 carriers and other agents of the 
Rural Delivery Service for letters have been included in the 
classified service. In Porto Rico, the merit system of ap¬ 
pointments has been introduced in all positions in the Fed¬ 
eral service. In the Philippines, all government appointments, 
except teachers, are now included in the classified service. 

Such are the victories thus far gained by a free people in 
the conduct of a long war, by the battalion of Civil Service 
Reformers in their attack upon the Spoils System. 

Within the year the cause of Civil Service Reform has 
lost one of its most valiant supporters, one who was the fear¬ 
less opponent of every form of maladministration, the keen 
detective of subtle harmful tendencies in popular government, 
and the advocate of every measure which, in his opinion,. 


9 


would promote the welfare of the Republic. You know that 
I refer to the late Mr. Godkin. 

It has been fortunate for the country that within a short 
time, four such men were contemporary contestants in the 
political arena, as Dorman B. Eaton, James Russell Lowell, 
George William Curtis, and Edwin L. Godkin,—all of them 
keenly alive to the prevalent evils, none of them office seek¬ 
ers, each one having a remarkable aptitude for political con¬ 
troversy and able with voice and pen to give efficient blows 
whenever needed, to repel attacks however determined. 
There were earlier strong advocates of Civil Service Reform. 
Charles Sumner in the Senate, as far back as 1864, supported 
by his correspondent, Francis Lieber; and four years later 
Thomas A. Jenckes, in the House of Representatives, are 
names never to be forgotton. George H. Pendleton is like¬ 
wise held in honorable remembrance; so is Charles Nord- 
hoff. Nor can we fail to bear in mind a younger man, that 
great governor of Massachusetts, Roger Wolcott, like Russell 
and Greenhalge, a splendid trio, too soon removed from 
earthly life. Of these departed guardians of the best tradi¬ 
tions of the commonwealth, a noble company, and of others 
still living, their worthy associates, Godkin was the peer. 

By such gifted advocates of the Merit System, all the legit¬ 
imate weapons of political discussion were employed,—phil¬ 
osophy, history, argument, invective, wit, satire, and elo¬ 
quence, with such persuasion as we all remember, with such 
victories as we all rejoice in. 

The fact that Mr. Godkin aspired to no form of personal or 
official distinction, and was identified with no party in church 
or state, and the fact that he controlled a journal which, in 
spite of the animosities inevitably created by its independ¬ 
ence, was for many reasons,—especially its political philos¬ 
ophy and its literary acumen,—the foremost weekly in the 
United States, gave his words great weight. Through its col¬ 
umns, he could not only utter his convictions now and then, 
but he could reiterate them every week with fresh illustrations 
and warnings. He enlivened them with grim humor which 
enforced the attention of those whom he belabored, and he 
produced such effects as come from repeated blows by a 
strong arm upon the metal that lies upon the anvil. 

I am not expert enough in higher criticism to discrimi- 


10 


nate, with the certainty of an Old Testament critic, between 
what was written by Mr. Godkin and what he endorsed or in¬ 
spired ; but I know that in season and out of season, he was 
alert in the detection of wrong doing and in the correction of 
abuses. A re-examination of the files of The JTation indi¬ 
cates that for more than thirty years he was vigilant upon the 
watch-towers, strenuous on the battle-field. Occasionally, in 
the monthly magazines, he wrote more elaborate, but I can 
hardly say more effective articles. Twice, he was called up¬ 
on to assume official responsibility, and he acted in accord¬ 
ance with his doctrines. Appointed by Mayor Edson a 
member of the first Civil Service Board in New York, in 1884, 
he served until 1887 when the Tammany power acquired the 
ascendency. Called to the same office in 1895 by Mayor 
Strong, he served till February, 1898, that is till the close of 
the Strong administration. 

All who knew Mr. Godkin personally retain a vivid im¬ 
pression of his uncommon equipment, both moral and intel¬ 
lectual, for the service of the State. Educated in the schools 
and among men, by books, travel, reflection, and intercourse 
with the leaders of public opinion, he was ready for the dis¬ 
cussion of everv social question, interested in the solution of 
every problem. These characteristics were strengthened by 
his unswerving uprightness. Nothing could divert him from 
the course that his conscience said was right. He stood up 
like the Hebrew prophets denouncing infidelity. “ He feared 
not the reproach of men nor was “ dismayed at their revil- 
ings.” So he “ cried aloud and spared not; he lifted up 
his voice like a trumpet, declaring unto the people their trans¬ 
gression and to the house of Jacob their sins.” 

One of Mr. Godkin’s most intimate associates regards his 
address on the example of Postmaster Pearson as the most 
classical of all his productions upon the Merit System. I 
have just risen from its perusal and I believe that I cannot 
bring these remarks to a close in a more acceptable way than 
by reading you words of our honored and departed associate, 
which are taken from that beautiful tribute to an efficient 
public servant. 

“ A state grows, flourishes, and lasts, or declines and 
perishes through its servants. A good civil service will 
often arrest the progress, for great periods, of very potent 


II 


causes of decay. A bad one will make the best constitution 
ever formed and the best laws ever enacted powerless to help 
or save any policy, however just, humane, or enlightened. 
When we consider in what a condition of mental flux we are 
just now upon nearly every thing that holds civilized man to¬ 
gether—our political economy and morality and religion,— 
what a very large population we have which is American 
only in name, what a very large body of Americans we have 
who care nothing about either law or political purity as long 
it stands in the way of their getting rich, I think that you will 
agree with me that we cannot be in too great haste to give 
permanence, and the efflciency which comes with permanence, 
to the machinery of government. We civil service reformers 
have been accused a good deal of making a great fuss about 
a very small matter, but I think the events of each day show 
us more and more clearly that our matter is the greatest of all 
matters; that if we are to preserve our form of government, 
and our social organization intact, and at the same time to 
preserve our dignity and re.spectability in the eyes of the 
world, it is to be done, not by increasing our navy and our 
army, but by giving the government the kind of service 
which the experience of mankind has shown to be the best.” 

From this sad remembrance of those who have fallen in 
the fray, let me turn to a happier theme, and congratulate you, 
members of the League, on the encouraging report of the 
Council; let me rejoice with you that we have three such in¬ 
telligent, vigorous, and watchful commissioners in Washing¬ 
ton, as Proctor, Foulke, and Garfield, and that in the White 
House we have a fearless and enlightened President, who 
thoroughly understands the value of the Merit System, and is 
firmly committed to the maintenance of the principles of this 
reform in the service of the Government,—civil, diplomatic, 
consular, military and naval. 






PUBLICATIONS OP 

THE NEW YORK ClYIL SERVICE REFORM ASSOCIATION 


The Beginning of the Spoils System in the National Gorern- 
ment^ 1829-30. (Reprinted, by permission, from Parton’s “ Life 
of Andrew Jackson.”) Per copy, scents. 

Term and Tenure of Office. By Dorman B. Eaton. Second edition, 
abridged. Per copy, 15 cents. 

Daniel Webster and the Spoils System. An extract from Senator 
Bayard’s oration at Dartmouth College, June, 1882. 

Address of Hon. Carl Schurz in opposition to the bill to amend the 
New York Civil Service Laws, commonly known as the “Black 
Act.” May 6, 1897. 

Annual Reports of the Ciyil-Service Reform Association of New 
York for ’83, ’85, ’8G, ’92, ’93, ’94, ’95, ’96, ’97, ’98, ’99, 
1900, 1901 and 1902. Per copy, 8 cents. 


MISCELLANEOUS. 

United States Civil Service Statutes and Revised Rules of May 
6 , 1896. 

Revised U. S. Civil Service Rules of May 29, 1899. 

State Civil Service Reform Acts of New York and Massachusetts. 

The Meaning of Civil Service Reform. By E, O. Graves. 

The Selection of Laborers. (In English and German editions.) By 
James M. Bugbee, late of the Massachusetts Civil-Service 
Commission. 

Report of Select Committee on Reform in the Civil Service (H. R.), 
regarding the registration of laborers in the United States Service. 

Report of same Committee regarding selection of Fourth-Class 
Postmasters. 

The Civil Service—The Merit System—The Spoils System. By 
Edward Cary. (1901.) 

The Need of a Classified and Non-Partisan Census Bureau- 

Report of a Special Committee of the National League. (1898.) 

Superannuation in the Civil Service. Report of a Special Com¬ 
mittee. (1900.) 

The Purpose of Civil Service Reform. By Henry Loomis Nelson. 
(Reprinted, by permission, from the Forum, for January, 1901.) 

The Organization of the Modern Consular Service. By George 
McAneny. (Reprinted, by permission, from the Century Magazine, 
for February, 1899.) 

The Relation of Civil Service to Municipal Reform. By Carl 
Schurz. Published by the National Municipal League. (1895.) 

Bibliography of Civil Service Reform. Published by The Women's 
Auxiliary to the C. S. R. Ass’n. (1900.) Per copy, 10 cents. 


(a charge is made only where the price is STATED.) 

Orders for the publications will be filled by Elliot H. Goodwin, 
Secretary, 41 Wall St., New York, or by G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 27 and 
29 West 23d St., New York. 






OFFICERS, 1902-1903. 


PRESIDENT: 

DANIEL C. GILMAN. 


VICE-PRESIDENTS: 


CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS 
JOSEPH H. CHOATE, 
GROVER CLEVELAND, 
CHARLES W. ELIOT, 
HARRY A. GARFIELD, 
ARTHUR T. HADLEY, 

SECRETARY: 

ELLIOT H. GOODWIN. 


HENRY CHARLES LEA, 
SETH LOW, 

FRANKLIN. MACVEAGH, 
GEORGE A. POPE, 

HENRY C. POTTER, D. D 
P. J. RYAN, D. D. 

TREASURER: 

A. -S. FRISSELL, 


ASS’T SEC’Y: 

HENRY G. CHAPMAN. 


COUNCIL: 

CHARLES J. BONAPARTE, Chairman. 


WILLIAM A. AIKEN, 

ARTHUR H. BROOKS, 

SILAS W. BURT, 

EDWARD CARY, 

CHARLES COLLINS, 

WILLIAM E. CUSHING, 

RICHARD HENRY DANA, 

JOHN JOY EDSON, 

HENRY W. FARNAM, 

RICHARD WATSON GILDER, 

JOHN H. HAMLINE, 

HENRY W. HARDON, 

HENRY HITCHCOCK, 

ROBERT D. JENKS, 

JOHN F. LEE, 

WILLIAM G. LOW, 

GEORGE MCANENY, 

HARRY J. MILLIGAN, 

CLINTON ROGERS 


SAMUEL H. ORDWAY, 
WILLIAM PHILLIPS, 
WILLIAM POTTS, 

H. O. REIK, 

CHARLES RICHARDSON, 
HENRY A. RICHMOND, 
CARL SCHURZ, 

EDWARD M. SHEPARD, 
F. L. SIDDONS, 
MOORFIELD STOREY, 
LUCIUS B. SWIFT, 
HENRY VAN KL£ECK, 
W. W. VAUGHAN, 
HERBERT WELSH, 
EVERETT P. WHEELER, 
CHARLES B. WILBY, 

R. FRANCIS WOOD, ^ 
MORRILL WYMAN, JR* 
WOODRUFF, 


Offices of the League^ 

No. 41 Wall St., New York. 


